La alternancia diacrónica entre 'l' y 'ɾ' tras oclusiva o 'f' en español y portugués

Abstract

From vulgar Latin to the diverse Romance languages we can observe several cases of loss or change in the group of the muta cum liquida; for example: CLAVE (Latin) > chave (Portuguese), llave (Spanish), chiave (Italian) or cheie (Romanian). In the Ibero-Romance languages we can realize that Portuguese rejected more cases of stop consonant or /f/ + /l/, as much in the consonantal groups: praza (< *PLATTEA), igreja (< *ECCLESIA), as without forming them, in origin: falar (< PARABOLARE), povo (< POPULU(M)). Our objective is to accomplish a diachronic and contrastive study of historical change or the stability in relation to /ɾ/ and /l/ after stop consonant or /f/ and trying to demonstrate that Portuguese rejected more clearly the variant with /l/, mainly preserved in cultisms, and preferred the variant with /ɾ/, while in Spanish it became even an hypercorrection (platicar < PRACTICARE, tinieblas < TENEBRAE).